In
regard to age, unlike the Better Buy task, it would seem that Year
4 students were more likely to place 'if' before a Premise. Five
more Year 8 than Year 4 students had used more than just a Premise
in their responses, but it would seem that proportionally there
is no significant difference in the use of logical connectives according
to age.
A similar situation
happens when decile level of schools is considered. As so few Pacific
students used more than a Premise in their response, it is not surprising
that they used few logical connectives. However, it was expected
that as students who attended high decile school used more complex
text structures, that they would also use more logical connectives
than non-Pacific students attending low decile schools. However,
this was not the case, with both groups using almost equivalent
amounts of logical connectives.
Within the text
structures, there were also clauses which provided more information
to particular elements. For example within a mathematical Premise
such as '98 is almost a hundred, so it's just two away', 'so it's
just two away' adds more information about 98 being almost a hundred.
This extra information is a known fact rather than as a consequence
of working with 98. Therefore, it cannot be considered as a second
Premise, as it does not add new information. Nor can it be considered
as a Consequence, as nothing was done to 98 for a new idea to be
developed as a Consequence. Consequently, these types of clauses
have been labelled as Elaborators. Other Elaborators were clauses
following what Halliday (1986) calls mental processes such as 'say',
'think' or other verbs that were followed by 'that' or 'which' clauses.
These following clauses have also been labelled as Elaborators.
For example, one child responded with 'I counted all the twos that
were needed to go all the way up to nine hundred'. 'That were needed'
and 'to go all the way up to nine hundred' both provide an elaboration
of the previous clause by providing more information about it. These
are considered cohesive devices (Hudson & Shapiro, 1991). Where
these Elaborators occurred is set out in Table 5.14. |
|
|
Table
5.14. Use of Elaborators in the text structure. |
|
|
Elaborators |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
Within
a introduction |
1 |
1 |
2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
2 |
Within
a premise |
4 |
3 |
3 |
4 |
2 |
2 |
3 |
7 |
Within
a consequence |
1 |
3 |
1 |
3 |
0 |
1 |
3 |
4 |
Within
a conclusion |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
|
|
|
The
number of Elaborators used in responses to this task were quite small
and there are difficulties with discussing any trends. Given that
every response included a Premise, it is not surprising to find that
Elaborators tend to appear more often with Premises. However, it would
seem that they were more likely to be used by students from high decile
schools than by other students. |
|
|
aClear
language and correct answers |
Given
that what counted as an accurate answer for this task was much more
diverse than for the Better Buy task, it was expected that the linguistic
structures used might also be more diverse. Table 5.15 gives the text
structures for the 15 students whose responses were described as clear
and who had a good estimate (within 100 of the exact answer) or an
exact answer. |
|
|
|
Table
5.15. Text structures used by students with clear language and
who gave good estimates or exact answers. |
|
|
Text
Structures |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
intro
– premise (mathematical) – consequence –
conclusion |
0 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
intro
– premise (mathematical) – consequence |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
premise
(mathematical) |
3 |
3 |
0 |
6 |
4 |
1 |
1 |
6 |
premise
(mathematical) – consequence |
2 |
2 |
0 |
4 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
4 |
premise
(mathematical) – consequence – conclusion |
2 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
0 |
1 |
2 |
3 |
|
|
|
Of
the fifteen students who used clear language and also provided a
good estimate or exact answer, six of them only used Premises and
four used a Premise, Consequence and a Conclusion structure. This
would tend to suggest that for this task there was not a high correlation
between getting a correct answer and using a more complex text structure
containing a series of different elements. However, the use of mathematical
Premises did seem to be important. It is worth noting that Pacific
students who were able to get a correct answer were all students
who only provided mathematical Premises within their answers.
There were a
further 15 students out of the sample of 72 who were able to respond
to this task correctly. These students gave a moderately clear or
vague response. As can be seen in Table 5.16, Year 8 students attending
high decile schools were the most likely groups to give these responses,
but their combinations of text elements were much more varied than
those given with clear language. For example, some students used
a factual rather than a mathematical Premise as the basis for their
explanation. In giving clear explanations, only 6 students did not
have a Consequence as one of the elements in their response. However,
out of the 15 students who gave an unclear response, 6 students
also did not include a Consequence but only 3 just gave a Premise.
|
|
|
|
Table
5.16. Use of text structures by student with unclear language
and who gave good estimates or exact answers. |
|
|
Text
Structures |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
intro
– premise (mathematical) |
1 |
1 |
0 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
2 |
premise
(mathematical) |
2 |
1 |
0 |
3 |
2 |
0 |
1 |
3 |
premise
(mathematical) – consequence |
0 |
4 |
1 |
3 |
0 |
2 |
2 |
4 |
premise
(factual) – consequence |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
premise
(factual) – conclusion |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
intro
– premise (mathematical) – consequence –
conclusion |
1 |
1 |
0 |
2 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
premise
(mathematical) – consequence – conclusion |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
premise
(factual) – consequence – conclusion |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
The
text structures used students who gave incorrect answers generally
only contained Premises. At Year 8, many students, especially from
low decile schools were unable to give an estimate, but did give
the mathematical Premise '9 times 98' or the equivalent. Year 4
students were more likely to give a factual Premise such as 'Heaps
a go, heaps a cars go down the road every day and in nine minutes
… more cars come in' or a personal Premise such as 'I don't know
I just guessed.'
In the responses
to the previous tasks, students who gave accurate answers were more
likely to use a complex text structure involving the combination
of several text elements. In the Motorway responses, it would also
seem that it was mostly Year 8 students who could do the mathematics
who would use more complex text structures. What Motorway also illustrates
is that just providing a Premise can sometimes be considered a clear
response. However, on the whole students, who just gave a Premise,
who were predominantly Pacific students were most likely to be unable
to provide an accurate response. |
|
|
aHesitant
language |
It
was apparent that many students were hesitant in giving their responses,
either because they were uncertain about their own mathematics or
because they felt that the situation required them to show deference
to the teacher administrator. In the Weigh Up task, showing hesitancy
is discussed with the use of Suppositions. In the response to this
task, there appeared to be two different ways that students made
their responses seem hesitant or vague. The first way was in regard
to expressing uncertainty about the correctness of their thinking.
Making a response vague can decrease a student's risk of losing
face. The second relates to the 'estimation' element of the task
and illustrates how students mark the approximation of their calculations
and answers.
By using hesitant
language to limit a potential loss of face, students are exhibiting
signs of what Grob, Meyers and Shuh (1997) labelled powerless language.
'Powerless language typically has been defined as speech marked
by hesitancy and tentativeness … it often contains more polite forms,
hedges, hesitations, disclaimers, intensifiers, empty adjectives,
tag questions, and hypercorrect grammar' (p. 284). In the responses
given by students to this task there were examples of hesitations
through verbal fillers, hedges and disclaimers. The distribution
of these is given in Tables 5.17, 5.18, 5.19. There were also two
uses of intensifiers. One Year 8 boy from a high decile school recruited
support for his answer by including the word 'obviously' in his
response.
Well, each
minute ninety-eight cars come down, says about, so obviously that's
about nine hundred, says nine minutes and then one minute goes
ninety-eight cars.
A Year 4 girl
used 'basically' in a similar way, although it did not have the
strength of 'obviously'.
Um.. because
the motorway's kind of busy and people don't really um hold up
on the motorway, because you can kind of, because there basically
isn't a speed limit on the motorway, they go quite fast.
Burton and Morgan
(2000), in their study of the professional writing of mathematicians,
found intensifiers were used quite frequently as authority claims.
It is interesting to see that students in responding to this task
do not claim authority for the correctness of what they have done
in the same way. The same student who used 'obviously' was also
one of only two students who referred to the question as support
for what they had done. The other student was also a Year 8 boy
from a high decile school.
Um, because
it says nine minutes so I just went up to nine hundred.
The 'it' has
become the authority on which the student is basing his argument.
This would be what Sowder and Harel (1998) had described as an external
based proof as it calls on an outside authority to authenticate
the evidence.
Other negative
politeness strategies which make the response seem vague were when
the speaker added a disclaimer. Disclaimers are expressions such
as 'I mean' and 'I think'. These suggest the speakers' uncertainty
about the statement which follows, whereas intensifiers tend to
recruit the hearer's support for the truth of the statement. Table
5.17 sets out the distribution of disclaimers in the responses to
this task. The small numbers of students who use disclaimers make
it unclear whether there are any patterns associated with disclaimers,
except that five out of seven students were from high decile schools.
When the information on disclaimers is combined with intensifiers,
it would appear that these are more likely to be used by students
from high decile schools. If these linguistics features are markers
of powerless language, it is surprising to find that they are more
likely to be used by these students, who were the most likely in
Table 5.17 to be considered to have clear language. |
|
|
|
Table
5.17. Use of disclaimers in the text structure. |
|
|
Disclaimers |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
I
mean |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
I
think/ I thought |
3 |
1 |
3 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
3 |
4 |
I
said |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
There
were quite a number of 'verbal fillers', as described by Brown (1977),
in the introductions. These words mark a request to take a conversational
turn but give the speaker time to arrange their thoughts without leaving
a silent period that could be filled by another speaker. Rowland (2000,
p. 136) labelled these as 'maxim hedges' as by using them 'the speaker
is serving notice to the hearer that the contribution about to come
will in some respect fall short of one or more of Grice's maxims'.
These maxims relate to the pragmatics of the text which deal with
ensuring that the communication between hearer and speaker is as clear
as possible. Four responses began with 'umm' and another used 'umm'
as the third word. Two continued with 'well' and another two explanations
began with 'well'. The distribution of fillers at any point in the
responses is given in Table 5.18. |
|
|
|
Table
5.18. Use of fillers by different groups. |
|
|
Fillers |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
umm |
16 |
15 |
17 |
14 |
6 |
9 |
16 |
31 |
oh/ah |
4 |
8 |
3 |
9 |
5 |
5 |
2 |
12 |
well/okay |
4 |
6 |
5 |
5 |
0 |
2 |
8 |
10 |
|
|
|
On
the whole, it would seem that there are no large differences in
distribution of fillers according to gender. There is a small difference
according to gender with slightly more boys using them than girls
and according to age with Year 8 students using them slightly more
often than Year 4 students. Pacific students were the least likely
to use fillers whilst students attending high decile schools were
the most likely, especially in regard to use of 'well/okay'. Given
that these were the students most likely to have an accurate response,
it is surprising to find that they more likely to use these features
of hesitant language.
In the Introductions,
four of the responses contained 'just' after 'I', such as 'I just
went' and 'I just took'. In the rest of the explanations, there
was also 17 other students who used 'just'. 'Just' acts as what
Rowland (2000. p. 60) described as an approximator which
modifies a proposition by 'making it more vague'. The need for such
vagueness is, perhaps, more to do with uncertainty about the correctness
of their approach rather than uncertainty about what they remember
that they did. As the question specifically asks students to 'explain
to me how you got your answer', these Introductions could be responding
to this personal flavour of the question. Given the power relationship
which exists between the student and the teacher administrator,
it is not surprising that the student may be more hesitant to talk
about how they got their answer than to simply give the numerical
result. Brown and Levison (1978) suggested that when the Hearer
has high power over the Speaker, the Speaker will tend to use negative
politeness strategies, such as those which lessen the strength of
the utterance and to use off-the-record strategies such as putting
forward ambiguous statements. As well as adding 'just', students
also used words such as 'kind of', 'maybe' in their responses to
make their responses appear less certain. In mathematics classrooms,
Rowland (2000) suggested that students are often vulnerable when
responding to teachers because of the fear of ridicule. By suggesting
through negative politeness that they are unsure of their thinking
process, students reduce the loss of face if their thinking is not
appropriate. Table 5.19 provides a description of variety and distribution
of hedges used in the responses to this task. |
|
|
|
Table
5.19. Use of hedges by different groups. |
|
|
Hedges |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
just |
6 |
14 |
8 |
12 |
4 |
9 |
7 |
20 |
like |
2 |
5 |
2 |
5 |
2 |
3 |
2 |
7 |
kind
of/sort of |
1 |
1 |
2 |
0 |
1 |
0 |
1 |
2 |
maybe |
2 |
2 |
3 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
4 |
|
|
|
Hedges
were used more often by boys, especially 'just', but there was little
difference according to age or to decile level of school attended.
There seems to be slightly less chance that Pacific students would
use hedges than other students.
In considering
who uses what examples of hesitant language, it would seem that
boys are more likely to use hedges. Year 8 students are more likely
to use fillers and Pacific students less likely to use fillers or
hedges. This last result could be because these students gave the
shortest responses. However, the relationship between short responses
and the need for fillers or hedges is not clear.
It has been
suggested that 'powerless' language contains more intensifiers,
hedges, disclaimers and hesitations and is generally associated
with female language (Grob, Meyers & Shuh, 1997). Yet the tables
in this section clearly show that boys use more hedges and hesitations
than girls do in presenting their responses to this task. This appears
to match other research done in this area. Staley (1982) found that
for children talking informally in groups, boys aged 4, 8 and 16
used more hedges. It was only with twelve year olds that it was
girls who used more hedges. 16 year old boys used significantly
more hedges. In work undertaken by Grob et al (1997), female college
students used more hedges than males, but the amounts were not significantly
different. Even if hedges are considered to show politeness rather
than powerlessness (Fishman, 1978), studies by researchers such
as Deucher (1990) suggests that women, including girls, generally
use politer language than men It is quite surprising then to find
that in describing a response to a mathematics task, boys who typically
are believed to feel more confident with their mathematics ability
(Burton, 2001) expressed themselves in a more hesitant manner.
The other way
that students express hesitant ideas is when they provide approximate
calculations or answers for the task. Given that the task asked
for an approximate answer ('About how many cars would go down the
road in 9 minutes?'), it is perhaps more surprising that very few
student did this. There are two types of approximators: rounders
and adaptors. Rounders are words such as 'about', 'around' and 'approximately',
whereas adaptors are words and phrases such as 'a little bit' and
'like'. In giving their answer, students used expressions such as
'really, that's probably about roughly what goes down' and 'probably
get around a thousand'. Table 5.20 provides the distribution of
students who used the rounder 'about' or an adaptor such as 'like'
or a rising intonation to indicate uncertainty about the amounts
given in response to the first question of this task. |
|
|
|
Table
5.20. Use of approximators in answers to the first question. |
|
|
Approximators |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
about |
5 |
9 |
5 |
9 |
1 |
5 |
8 |
14 |
Other
approximatrors |
4 |
5 |
4 |
5 |
0 |
1 |
8 |
9 |
Rising
intonation |
3 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
0 |
2 |
|
|
|
The
numbers are small, with the only discernable trend being that students
from high decile schools are more likely to use rounders or adaptors
than students from low decile schools, particularly Pacific students.
It may also be that Year 8 students were more likely to use a rounder
than Year 4 students. However, these results are not as clear cut
as those reported by Rowland (2000), which had shown that students
could determine when it was appropriate to use a rounder by the
age of eight, which would be the age of most students in Year 4.
Students also
used approximations in their explanations of how they had determined
their answers in discussing their calculations. In discussing amounts,
students used expressions such as 'like, really big', 'only three',
'heaps of cars'. |
|
|
|
Table
5.21. Use of approximators in giving their explanations by different
groups. |
|
|
Approximators |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
For
discussing amounts |
6 |
4 |
6 |
4 |
2 |
5 |
3 |
10 |
|
|
|
The
results for Table 5.21 support those in Table 5.20 in that there appears
to be no difference by gender or age in using approximators. However,
unlike the results in Table 5.20, there does not seem to be a differences
due to decile level of school attended. This may be related to the
very small numbers of students who used approximators in this position. |
|
|
aQuestions |
Many
students asked questions. Most of these were requesting or clarifying
information given in the task problem, for example, 'is this like
an estimate, kind of?' or 'ninety cars goes down in one minute, eh?'
Many of them featured hesitant language such as 'kind of' or tag questions
such as 'eh?' These examples of hesitant language were not included
in the tables above, as they were asked in response to the first question
of the problem rather than during their explanations of their calculations.
It is to be expected that students would exhibit politeness strategies
when requesting the teacher administrator to repeat already given
information or to clarify what they had to do. These requests have
the potential for the speaker to lose face, as they are admitting
that they did not listen accurately or they are uncertain of what
they have to do even if they did hear the problem completely. Two
students also asked self-questions and four students turned their
answers to the first question into questions either by using a question
format or finishing their statements with a rising intonation. Table
5.22 shows the distribution of questions. |
|
|
|
Table
5.22. Use of questions by different groups. |
|
|
Questions |
Gender |
Year
Level |
School
Decile and Ethnicity |
Total
|
Girls |
Boys |
Year
4 |
Year
8 |
Low
PI |
Low
Non- PI |
High |
 |
Of
self |
0 |
2 |
2 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
2 |
Of
the teacher administrator |
11 |
11 |
9 |
13 |
8 |
7 |
7 |
22 |
About
their answer |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
4 |
|
|
|
There
appears to be no obvious patterns in who asked questions. Slightly
more Year 8 students asked questions of the teacher administrator
than Year 4, but the difference is not great.
It would seem
that in responding to this task, students used a range of different
strategies to make their responses seem more vague. Although there
were a few differences in the distribution of groups using them,
there appears to be no clear pattern. For example, Year 8 students
from high decile schools were most likely to use approximators,
but Pacific students were least likely to use hedges. As an area
which is likely to influence teachers' perceptions of students'
ability, this area of mathematical language use requires more investigation.
|
|
|
aConclusion |
The
Motorway task required students to explain how they arrived at the
number of cars going down a busy Motorway. Students' responses varied
from those who refused to respond verbally to those who gave accurate
amounts by using good approximation strategies. Although there were
differences in not only who gave appropriate responses and who used
clear language, there was no clear relationship to the text structures
used in their responses. There also appear to be no clear patterns
in who used hesitant language. Previous research had suggested that
girls were more likely to use more hesitant language to exhibit powerlessness
or politeness but if anything, this research suggests that boys used
more hesitant language. It was also expected that those with clear
language were more likely to use non-hesitant language, but this was
not the case. The responses for this task are, therefore, intriguing
and further research is needed. |
|